Biocultural diversity loss in the Peruvian Amazon

Biocultural diversity is declining rapidly across the world, illustrating that human cultures and the natural environment are deeply intertwined. In this essay I will review the factors that impact biocultural diversity in the Ucayali river basin of Peru. This highly biodiverse region in the Peruvian Amazon is home to the indigenous Shipibo Konibo, known for their material art, intricate kené designs and medicinal plant knowledge. Climate change, global trade in timber, extractive industries and large infrastructural developments, are some of the major threats that impact this region. With additional influences of Western education and migration to urban areas, theShipibo Konibo in the Peruvian Amazon are on the frontline of biocultural diversity loss. I will review the threats to biocultural diversity of the lower Ucayali river basin at various scales, from global, to national, and regional, in order to better understand their current and future impact.

What is biocultural diversity?

Biodiversity, contracted from biological diversity, can be defined as ‘the sum total of all biotic variation from the level of genes to ecosystems’ (Purvis and Hector, 2000). Biodiversity at all levels is being lost at an alarming rate due to a wide range of human impacts (Maffi, 2005). At the same time, human culture and local ecological knowledge are embedded in language (Maffi and Woodley, 2010). It was not until the 1990s when it was observed that a vast amount of languages spoken in the world are being lost, in parallel to the loss of biodiversity. More than half of over 6000 languages in the world, especially those spoken by minority and indigenous communities, may be under threat (Maffi, 2005).

The new field of biocultural diversity investigates the links between nature, language and culture, in order to inform conservation actions worldwide (Maffi, 2010). The importance of biocultural diversity and the potential impacts of its decline is acknowledged by various international organisations. The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) now include principles of biocultural diversity in their work (Maffi and Dilts, 2003).

Biocultural diversity of the Peruvian Amazon

The Amazon rainforest has been identified as one of the three regions in the world with exceptionally high biocultural diversity, in addition to Central Africa and Indomalaysia (Maffi, 2005). The Amazon rainforest is shared by nine countries, the vast majority of the Amazon, nearly 64%, is located within the borders of Brazil, followed by Peru with 10% (“Countries Sharing The Amazon Rainforest,” n.d.). I will focus on the lower region of the Ucayali river basin in Peru, one of the main tributaries of the Amazon river. With a population as large as 30.000, the Shipibo Konibo are the largest indigenous group around the Ucayali river (Wali et al., 2016). The local threats to the biocultural diversity of this region can not be viewed in isolation of national and global processes. I will therefore analyse the various threats on a global, national and regional scale, even though these distinctions are somewhat artificial, as the scales interact in myriad ways.

Global threats to the Peruvian Amazon

First of all, deforestation is posing a serious threat to the Amazon rainforest and planetary health as a whole. Deforestation of rainforests globally knows many causes and drivers, ranging from economic to political, institutional and cultural (Geist and Lambin, 2001). In the early 1980s Norman Meyers brought attention to complex global dynamics, coining the concept ‘hamburger connection’ (Myers, 1981), illustrating how tropical deforestation is linked to meat consumption in North America. This larger political perspective is offering an alternative for the narrative that forests are cut down primarily because local people are impoverished (Dove, 1994). In the Peruvian rainforest some of the direct causes tof deforestation that have been identified are illegal logging, commercial agriculture such as oil palm plantations, and illegal gold-mining (Valqui et al., 2015). It has been estimated that in 2010 almost 5% of forest cover was removed in Loreto, Ucayali, Madre de Dios and San Martin, and a loss of 10% of the forests is predicted by 2030 (Coca-Castro, 2013).

Closely related to deforestation are the causes and effects of climate change. Climate change predictions suggest hotter and more arid tropical climates, potentially turning a significant portion of the Amazon to savanna, or even destroying it completely within a century (Maslin et al., 2005). Changes in the Amazon rainforest will affect hydrological cycles, impacting global and local rainfall patterns and increasing surface temperatures. Deforestation and potential loss of the Amazon rainforest will severely increase the carbon in the atmosphere (Maslin et al, 2005). It is estimated that 1.7 billion tonnes of carbon are released every year from land use change, mainly tropical deforestation (Reporting REDD+: a journalist’s guide, 2009). This has led to the development of REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest degradation in Developing countries) a policy and practice initiated by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCC). The aim is to slow down climate change from deforestation by paying developing countries to retain carbon stored in their forests (Reporting REDD+: a journalist’s guide, 2009). However, critics are concerned that it absolves countries from reducing their high emissions, and that it poses a potential threat to indigenous rights (“REDD,” 2009). Indigenous organisations in Peru point out that forest protection under REDD+ is undermined by conflicting government policies supporting extraction and large scale development (Llano and Feather, 2011). They ask instead for recognition of indigenous territories, and sustainable use and protection of the rainforest (Llanos and Feather, 2011).

A more recent impact of a global nature is the covid-19 pandemic. The global pandemic that emerged towards the end of 2019 has been particularly harmful for indigenous communities. Over 1.7 million cases and 42.000 deaths were registered among indigenous people of the Amazon rainforest (“New Covid-19 variant threatens indigenous peoples in the Amazon,” n.d.). Iquitos, the largest city in the Peruvian Amazon, had one of the highest infection rates in the world in the spring of 2020.(“Oxygen for Ucayali: The Global Crises Exposed by COVID-19,” n.d.). In addition, during the health emergency caused by the covid-19 virus illegal activities such as logging and narcotics production increased, causing direct threats to the lives of indigenous community members (“Indigenous forest defenders call upon Peruvian State for protection amidst surge in illegal logging, narcotics production and threats,” n.d.)

National politics and conservation policy

The political climate in Peru is polarised between proponents of economic development and those committed to environmental protection. The economy is driven by a neoliberal growth model and extraction of primary resources (Zinngrebe, 2016). Resource extraction has intensified over the last decades, and financial incentives for agriculture promote deforestation in the Amazon (Valqui et al., 2015). As a result of environmental pressures conflicts have increased between 2005 and 2014 (Zinngrebe, 2016). Since the elections of 2016 Peru is experiencing a political crisis marked by polarised views and civil unrest. In November 2020, amidst an economic and health crisis, Peru saw massive nationwide protests and three presidents in one week (“Peru’s congress elects Francisco Sagasti as new interim president,” 2020).

On the other hand, Peru is a member of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and has developed a substantial biodiversity policy (Zinngrebe, 2016). Various protected areas exist in Peru, however most of those in the Ucayali river region are small and confined to the cordilleras, or mountain ranges (“Ucayali,” n.d.). Resources to protect boundaries of national parks are weak (Wali et al.,2016). With lack of consensus on nature conservation and indigenous rights, the ongoing crisis will be detrimental to the protection of biocultural diversity in the Peruvian Amazon.

Development and extraction in the Ucayali river basin

The Ucayali river, Río Ucayali in Spanish, is approximately 2700km long and is the main headstream tributary of the Amazon River (“Ucayali,” n.d.). The two main tributaries of the Ucayali river are the River Tambo and River Urubamba in the Andes region, and the largest river port is the city of Pucallpa. The Ucayali and all the tributaries carry sediments that make the alluvial soils around the river highly fertile, especially in the areas that are flooded annually (Wali et al., 2016). The Ucayali river’s main flooding period is from December to May.

Various regional threats can be observed in the lower Ucayali river basin. First of all, various road developments have impacted the region. The Lima-Pucallpa highway in the 1940s was the first development with major social-ecological impacts. In 2004 construction began on the Interoceanic Highway to link the coast of Brazil with Peru’s Pacific ports (Wali et al., 2016). One of the largest and most expensive roads in Peru, the 2400km long highway crosses the Peruvian Amazon (“Interoceanic Highway incites deforestation in Peru, threatens more to come,” 2017).

In addition, hydro-electric dams are being developed at a high rate. Six large dams on the upper tributaries of the Ucayali river supply a large part of Peru’s energy. Many more hydro-electric dams are planned, at least thirty in the Ucayali river, and four mega dams near the confluence of the two main tributaries of the Ucayali (“Ucayali,” n.d.; Wali et al., 2016). The construction of the hydro-electric dams is destructive for nature and people. It leads to deforestation, dams flood large areas of land, and often thousands of people are forced to leave their territory (Valqui et al, 2015). The plans are currently on hold because of opposition by environmental and indigenous groups, and lack of funds (“Ucayali,” n.d.).

Commercial agriculture is growing, and the Ucayali department is a significant producer of oil palm, cultivating at least 35% of oil palm in Peru. A large proportion of plantations in the region displaced old growth forests (Bennett et al., 2018). Even though deforestation caused by palm oil is criticised by officials, at the same time officials express support for the expansion of oil palm plantation, and aim to reach 50.000 ha of oil palm in the Ucayali region (Valqui et al., 2015). Mining is also widespread in the Ucayali river basin but more so in the higher regions, with heavy metals causing dangerous pollution levels (“Ucayali,” n.d.). Investments in mining projects grew from about 1 billion USD in 2005 to over 8.5 billion USD in 2012 (Zinngrebe, 2016). In 2015, Peru was the biggest producer of gold in South America, and illegal gold-mining is a continuous problem (Valqui et al., 2015). Legal and illegal logging of various kinds is also impacting the region. The Ucayali river itself is used for access to illegal logging of mahogany from the nearby Murunahua Territorial Reserve, as it is illegally entered through the tributaries of the Ucayali river (Valqui et al., 2015). Lastly, demand for cocaine worldwide continues, mostly from Europe and the United States. In in 2012 Peru surpassed Colombia as leading producer of the raw material coca. Coca plantations are causing deforestation and the highly toxic substances used in its production are dumped into waterways. The lower Amazon river is a relatively new area for cultivation (Valqui et al., 2015). Overall, it is clear that there are serious threats to the biocultural diversity of the Ucayali river basin, as a result of a political leadership in favour of economic development, and lacking resources or will power for protection.

A history of human population

The Peruvian Amazon has been inhabited for thousands of years, although population estimates vary, it is highly likely that extensive, complex civilisations were present (Myers, 1974; Valqui et al., 2015). Panoan speakers arrived on the Ucayali river about 300 CE and the fertile soil allowed larger populations to thrive (Myers, 1974). The Shipibo successfully fought for their territory at the main river banks, and other Panoan groups were forced to live further upstream (Tacelosky, 2001; Wali et al., 2016)

The communities around the riverbanks and tributaries of the Ucayali river collapsed partly due to the diseases that came with the arrival of Spanish colonists. The first contact with communities on the Ucayali river most likely occurred in 1557 (Myers, 1974; Tacelosky, 2001). In the middle and late 17th centuries missionaries entered the Ucayali region, but were forced to leave under threat of the Shipibo (Myers, 1974). The Shipibo joined forces with the Conibo for the purposes of resistance to the Spanish and the missionaries, and continued to intermarry and intertwine their languages and traditions (Tacelosky, 2001; Wali et al., 2016). Since the late 18th century there has been continuous contact between the local population and the Spanish and missionaries, and missions were established among the Shipibo as well.

Between 1880 and 1910, the rubber boom impacted the region and its people. It led to a second population collapse, due to a mass arrival of migrants, and violent practices of Peruvian and foreign rubber company owners (Valqui et al., 2015). Just like most local communities, the Shipibo were forced to tap rubber trees and family groups were dominated by land owners (Tacelosky, 2001). After the collapse of the rubber economy economic activity was limited, but the now mixed population grew (Valqui et al., 2015). A major impact to the region was the construction of the Lima-Pucallpa highway in 1943. For the first time the Shipibo and other regional indigenous groups were now in continuous close contact with Mestizos (those with mixed Spanish and indigenous blood) and their culture (Tacelosky, 2001).

Shipibo Konibo population and culture

Today, the Shipibo Konibo people are still the largest and most notable indigenous group around the Ucayali river. They are often recognized for their intricate art work, vast knowledge of medical plant species, and the traditional use of ayahuasca for shamanic healing practices (Mori, 2013). The last National Census of 2007 calculated the Shipibo Konibo population at around 23.000 people, although other sources estimate the population to be up to 30.000 or 35.000 (Coe, 2018; Espinosa, 2012; Wali et al., 2016). Living in villages and hamlets along the river banks and floodplains, community sizes can range from 100 to 1500 people. Some are near Pucallpa, yet others may be several days of boat travel away (Wali et al., 2016).

The Shipibo Konibo, like other Amazonian indigenous people, continue to depend on the rivers and lagoons (Wali et al., 2016), even though fish are no longer as abundant as they were before (Shipibo: The Movie of Our Memories, 2011). Some of the charismatic species that live in the lower Ucayali river are the Amazon river dolphin and giant otter, both endangered species, and the Amazonian manatee, which has been assessed as vulnerable (iucnredlist.org). The Shipibo Konibo continue to cultivate small gardens to raise staple crops, mostly manioc, but also plantain and yucca. They also rely on harvesting of forest products, hunting and fishing. Cash income is derived from logging, work in the city, or the sale of handicrafts (Espinosa, 2012; Wali et al., 2016).

Kené visions

For the Shipibo Konibo people, the Ucayali river is the Great Serpent, or “mother of all waters” referred to as Ronin in the Shipibo Konibo language (Belaunde, 2012; Wali et al., 2016). She is also said to be the mother of all designs, as her skin contains all imaginable design patterns (Belaunde, 2012). These iconic designs, repeated with infinite variations, are known as kené. They covers human bodies and objects such as clothing textiles, ceramic pots, bracelets and more. Traditionally, this art form is practiced by the women of the community, and it is closely connected to shamanism and “power plants” (Wali et al., 2016). These power plants, called rao, play an essential role in the creation of the designs. Like the designs, the power plants originate from the Great Serpent (Belaunde, 2012). Piripiri (Cyperus articulates L.) called waste or huaste in Shipibo Konibo, is said to have sprouted from the ashes of the Great Serpent, ronin (Tournon et al., 1998). In order to make kené women must see the visions in their imaginations and dreams. To enhance visions a few drops of piripiri juice is placed in the eyes or the navel (Walie et al., 2015). Kené designs are always unique, and the Shipibo Konibo can distinguish between original and copied designs (Belaunde, 2012). Designs can also manifest themselves in visions during shamanic sessions that involve ayahuasca (Banisteriopsis caapi), an activity that is mainly practiced by men. The kené visions are used to spiritually cure patients, and can also be seen by the participants themselves. In 2008, the National Institute of Culture Peru has designated both kené design and ayahuasca as cultural heritage (Belaunde, 2012).

Changes in Shipibo Konibo culture

Threats to the biocultural diversity of this region include pressure on culturally significant plants, such as ayahuasca and piripiri. The growing and widespread use of ayahuasca has led to an increased harvest of the Banisteriopsis caapi vine. Although limited information is available, locally the vine is perceived to be increasingly scarce (Coe, 2018). In addition to its use to induce visions, piripiri has a long history of use in herbal medicine systems in South America. The piripiri plant is a perennial, grass-like plant, of which the fresh rhizomes are ground up to extract a juice (Tournon et al., 1998). Unlike ayahuasca, piripiri is not used widely in the same way as ayahuasca. However it may be impacted by local climate change effects, and can be vulnerable to overharvesting since the rhizomes of the plant are harvested.

The loss of language and culture is one of the main concerns of indigenous people worldwide, and this loss is felt by the Shipibo Konibo, who experience they are living in a time of great change (Espinosa, 2012). This also becomes clear in the documentary Shipibo: La pelicula de nuestra memoria (Shipibo: The Movie of Our Memories) from 2012. In this documentary, the Field Museum in Chicago presents Tschopik’s 1953 film ‘Men of the Montaña’ to Shipibo Konibo community members in the Ucayali river region (Wali et al., 2016). Traditional clothing, arts, and festivals have significantly reduced or disappeared altogether.

With the arrival of Western culture, education has become part of the Shipibo Konibo way of life. Several decades ago, a bilingual education programme was introduced in which Spanish is the language for reading and writing. Overall, such a program leads to a shift away from the minority language to the majority language. However, even though most of the men and young people now speak Spanish as a second language, Shipibo Konibo remains the dominant language in the home villages (Tacelosky, 2001; Wali et al., 2016). This can be explained partly due to the unique history of dominance of the Shipibo over other Panoan groups, and the ideologies that came with the implementation of the education program (Taceloski, 2001).

There is a growing demand for continued education beyond high school, in order to have better job opportunities. With that comes an adaptation to life in the city, which inevitably means losing part of language and customs. A new concept in Shipibo Konibo culture, is that of youth, now that children are no longer initiated into adulthood (Espinosa, 2012). Espinosa identifies indigenous Shipibo youth organisations as strategies for dealing with such changes. Even though young people tend to leave their communities for urban centres like Pucallpa, Iquitos or Lima, they also express a desire to keep their cultural identity (Espinosa, 2012). Rather than losing a culture, this can be viewed as a process of change and the exploration of new concepts of ‘’indigeneity,’’ (Wali et al., 2016). With the highest aim for most Shipibo Konibo people to become “onanya joni,” or, a “wise person”, a modern life can be inspired by traditional wisdom (Espinosa, 2012).

Conclusion

The lower Ucayali river basin in the Peruvian Amazon is without a doubt experiencing serious threats to its biological and cultural diversity. Political and economical forces are driving deforestation, development and extraction, and there is a lack of enforcement to drive out illegal logging, mining and coca production. It is highly likely that in the near future, the Shipibo Konibo will increasingly be impacted these environmental pressures. Hydro-electric dams can significantly alter the Ucayali river, and its fertile river banks. Charismatic animals in the river are already endangered, and fish are no longer abundant. In addition, many young Shipibo Konibo are pursuing education and economic opportunities in nearby cities, like Pucallpa and Iquitos, and there is an increasing interest in further education.

However, the Shipibo Konibo have been able to maintain their language in spite of bilingual education, and developed youth organisations to support young Shipibo Konibo in the search for identity. Interest for, and practice of, their kené artwork and the mythology embedded within these intricate designs remains high, and the ceremonial and medicinal use of ayahuasca continuous to spread. A political climate favouring biodiversity protection and full acknowledgments of indigenous rights and territories, is currently not present. Whether the Shipibo Konibo can develop their identity and maintain their cultural values in the midst of political, environmental and socio-cultural changes remains to be seen.

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